Brain Drain Blog

Archive for the ‘Social Justice’ Category

The?following is a rambling research proposal of sorts.

In my paper, I?ll be examining the film “The Last King of Scotland.” The?movie is about a?1970′s real?Ugandan dictator, Idi Amin,?whose life is exposed through his relationship with?the main character, a?fictional Scottish doctor, Nicholas Garrigan. Garrigan, although based on the collective real men in Amin?s council, varies in cultural origin and significantly influences several less-than-real events within the film.?Through this main character, the?film moves away from historical representation at the same time it attempts to provide access to it.?Reacting to the film’s powerful story, a?Ugandan extra on location interviewed in the DVD special features says he is glad that Ugandan children can watch this film and finally learn about their national history. But is this history? What are the implications of historeographic metafiction?in a culture?beyond the borders of?America, and what are it’s limitations? (Real thesis to come.)

To answer, I’d first like to brush Jameson’s??Postmodernism, or, The Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism? up against Ugandan reactions to the film?s release, examining the postmodern as a means of political and capitalist consumption of culture in Third World countries. When Hollywood, in the name of profit, represents ?history? through a predominantly white, fictional lens, what are the implications? Are there limits to what historiographic metafiction can or should responsibly do? To pick out the problems within the actual production, it will be interesting to watch the movie twice more, once strictly for content and once with the director?s commentary switched on. More on this later…

The other side of the coin is Hutcheon?s point that history has always been representation, and true access to reality has only been an assumption. In this regard, historiographic metafiction has the?ability to reveal more than the victor?s historical narrative. According to an interview with the film?s director, he suggests that the fictional Scottish Doctor allows a more personal window into dictator Idi Amin, a man who has traditionally been known more-so through mythical stories than fact all along. (I?ll have to watch again to get the exact quote.)

Amin is an interesting problem unto himsef. It is known that, during the time of Amin?s rule, journalist access was limited to panel interviews with this man alone. His?account was the sole authority of the state of his country. Witnesses to Amin?s slaughter within the country were unreachable and outsiders were unsure whether the mass killing was real. Amin also presented his own personal limitation, offering one side of himself to the press and exhibiting quite another behind closed doors. Fiction certainly provides more perspective into Amin as a character, but this not to be mistaken?for reality.

Considering these varied ideas, has historiographic metafiction offered distorted interpretation or greater understanding? Preliminary research has already produced a quote pertinent to Jameson?s point. According to “In Uganda, ‘Last King of Scotland’ Generates Blend of Pride and Pain Crowds Flock to Oscar-Honored Film About Idi Amin” By Craig Timberg
of the Washington Post:

For Ugandans too young to have clear memories of Amin’s reign, “The Last King of Scotland” gave them a welcome dose of insight into their own national history.

“After seeing the movie,” said Alice Mwesigwa, 32, “it was, ‘Wow, this is real.’ “

More appropriately phrased, this movie is merely a believable representation of the real.?Mwesigwa’s reaction is problematic in that?the?story is not “real.” According to Jameson, this form has?foregone the signposts that had traditionally signaled?fiction from reality.

According to ?Absolute Power, A chameleonic Forest Whitaker dominates an awkward Idi Amin biopic? by Ella Taylor of the Village Voice:

The Last King of Scotland deals with real events filtered through Giles Foden’s 1998 novel, in which Garrigan serves as a composite of numerous white advisers with whom Amin surrounded himself, then mercilessly cut off when they no longer served his purposes.

To unpack this description is to reveal the multiple layers of removal from the real:

• Actual events as they happened
• Distillation of Amin?s?advisors down to the fictional Dr. Garrigan
• Foden?s narrative process
• Conversion from novel to screen play
• Collective influence of director, producer and actors
• Further editing
• Viewer interpretation

Contamination of the real is inherent in any narrative, yet this particular?process is influenced by a great many people who had never personally experienced Amin?s regime.

An interview in Boldtype ?Giles Foden, The Last King of Scotland? reveals the tricky process of narration prior to the further imposition of film placed upon the real. Although the English author spent much time in Africa as a child, witnessing bodies in the rivers and other horrific sights, he had no personal access to Amin.

BT: Is your portrait of Amin based on research, memory, imagination, or a combination of all three?
GF: All three, but trying to keep the research at bay was a problem. I kept discovering these amazing things about Amin which I wanted to put in the book. This was disturbing, as I felt like I was being “dictated” to, or suffering the kind of demonic possession that Amin believed existed. Still, I guess I must have pulled through: mainly I tried to hang onto to the idea that this was a story. I wanted to make people turn the page.

While Foden?s research lends authenticity to the narrative, his selection of facts shapes what is told and, in the end, he reminds us that this is?ultimately a story designed to sell and entertain.

At the end of “The Last King of Scotland” there is a scene where the fictional Dr. Garrigan, viewed as a traitor, is being tortured by Amin. He gets hung on what look like meat hooks through the chest and, as he hangs, the imagery is similar to Christ hanging on the cross. In fact, he refuses to scream – as if he is taking on the sorrow of the thousands Amin had slaughtered and refusing to give Amin the satisfaction of watching him suffer. Garrigan is eventually rescued as Amin’s attention is distracted and when he asks the man who takes him down why he did it, the Ugandan says that if Garrigan escapes, perhaps the story of the Ugandan people with finally be heard, particularly because?Garrigan is white and has the power to draw the attention of nations who can help. In the end, the implication is that Uganda is rescued by the white savior.

Is this a tool used to sell the film to American audiences or is it a commentary on how the world refuses to recognize the plight of Africans unless told by whites? I can see how both are plausible. Perhaps this is where the power of historeographic metafiction offers a view into the untold and unheard story of those people slaughtered. At the same time, it reinforces the power of the dominant culture.

According to the New York Times: World Africa video, “The Last King of Scotland Opens in Uganda? by Jeffrey Gettleman, much care has been taken by the film crew to portray events as authentically as possible. Filming within the country and using Ugandan extras allowed Forrest Whitaker to speak with the people about their memories.?In his portrayal of Idi Amin, Whitaker’s?accent and actions?also provide?a certain amount of authenticity, according to Jingo,?a native?actor and American movie translator in Uganda. Many have remarked that Whitaker had become Amin. (Quotes to follow.)

Gettleman’s article, “A Film Star in Kampala, Conjuring Amin?s Ghost,”?also reveals that the representation may not be far off the mark:

?This is not a bad attempt at history,? said Henry Kyemba, the author of ?A State of Blood,? a book he published in exile in 1977 about his years as a minister in Amin?s government.

Kyemba, having been a minister to Amin, is probably the best barameter of the films success in?capturing any similarity to the real. His experience lends an authority that most viewers can only imagine. Still, he is but one man with one perspective in an organization of many who had a deadly impact upon an entire?nation.

The film’s significant social impact is obvious as Gettleman’s?video references the prevalence and popularity of the illegal pre-release thanks to the DVD underground. Nationwide accessibility is available for 20 cents as opposed to the inaccessible $5 admission to Uganda?s only theater. Although it is difficult to?gauge?the widespread social impact, the only thing known for sure is that postmodern globalization is merging cultures and overwriting that which it erases. Perhaps, while this is inevitable, it can be handled respectfully and responsibly as “The Last King of Scotland” attempts to do.

Side note:
While?the above?reports put a positive spin on the film’s?reception and acceptance in Uganda, it will be interesting to see?whether I can find a different angle or if I?ll be?forced to read?between the capitalist glorification of American publications.

So much for the seedling? as I wrote, the darn thing continued to grow. I can picture Dr. Middleton rubbing her hands together with a satisfied and somewhat sinister smile saying, “This was my plan all along.”

Available on Amazon

Racial Inequality in Public Education through the Lens of Critical Race Theory

Does the injustice of racism create systemic issues or do systemic issues create unjust divisions of race? A rally for both sides exists, but I believe that critical race theory, as opposed to conservative nationalism, better argues where the actual problems lie. To counter conservative assumptions that laziness or unwillingness to succeed is the cause of a minority?s failure to achieve upward mobility within a color-blind, equal opportunity system, critical race theorists convincingly offer better recognition of economic determinism and reject the notion of unbiased rights, merit and objectivity to explain why inequality in learning institutions exists, how racial influence upon social systems increases the level of difficulty for minority children to succeed, and why the entire legal system must be rebuilt from the ground up.

To offer a brief summary of critical race theory, it is a movement which combines scholarship and activism in response to racial disparity in America. According to Critical Race Theory, An Introduction by Richard Delgado and Jean Stefancic, critical race theory?s tenets are built upon European philosophy and theory, the American radical tradition, critical legal studies and radical feminism, reaching beyond the scope of civil rights and ethnic studies by paying close attention to the broader fields of ?economics, history, context, group ? and self ? interest, and even feelings and the unconscious? (Delgado and Stefancic, 3). Race is approached through several basic understandings embraced by the majority of critical race theorists. At the heart, race is understood to be a social construction with illusive and changing definitions that echo the societal needs of the times. If the job market finds value in one group, stereotypes of that group may wane. If the need no longer exists, oppression again becomes necessary to preserve the dominant power. This migrating level of acceptance is called ?differential racialization? and its fluidity proves that characteristics of race are not based on genetic science or biology. Even in the waning stages, the all-too-common racial discrimination in society?s everyday operation makes it difficult to detect and combat subversive practices while the ?color-blind equality? of liberalism allows for an end only to blatant discriminatory acts. Where black and white color lines do converge in a situation termed both ?material determinism? and ?interest convergence,? advancement exists for both the material interests of white elites and psychic interests of the working class, inciting few to object.

While seemingly concerned only with a simplified black-white binary to this point, it is important to recognize that critical race theory also addresses ?intersectionality,? where combinations of race, gender, sexual preference, and class overlap. In light of this, anti-essentialism recognizes that not all races share the same experience. Still, the “voice of color” provides perspective from the recipient of racism, although this concept is not fully supported when arguing that ?legal storytelling? should be used to contextualize an experience in a court of law. What has yet to be mentioned as it is relatively new in study, is that race is about power and, to that end, whiteness as privilege must also be recognized as a race. While this summary cannot adequately address the depths to which critical race theory runs, the remainder of these pages will further explain those aspects which are most useful in addressing racial inequality within public education.

Why do we suppose the poorest neighborhood schools in our country fill daily with more minority children than with whites? I turn to a critical race argument between two camps, the idealists and the realists. The idealists believe that racism is a mental perception that can be dismantled with good will, education and awareness. The realists, or economic determinists, believe that the explanation of perception is just the beginning of understanding as to where biased institutions hail from. ?For realists, racism is a means by which society allocates privilege and status. Racial hierarchies determine who gets tangible benefits, including the best jobs, the best schools, and invitations to parties in people?s homes? (Delgado and Stefancic, 17). Alternately, race also relegates who has the least tangible benefits, including the worst jobs, schools and insults as opposed to invitations.

The way in which schools are economically funded falls under the economic determinists? point of view. Because funding is determined by the neighborhood tax base, those areas already in poverty which tend to be populated by minorities have no chance of offering better qualified teachers, current books or technology to their students. Every year a new generation of minority children becomes oppressed by a system destined to fail them. Attending such a school means falling behind even prior to walking through the door.

Worse yet, many minorities do walk through the door and spend valuable time?learning skills that will further them in life. These children are not unwilling or lazy as many conservatives would argue. They are simply underprivileged. Perhaps a better plan would be too ensure fund disbursement equally to all schools from a centralized source while continuing to collect resources according to individual or family tax brackets. Everyone would pay the same percentage, and the quality of educators, buildings and supplies within poverty lines would vastly improve without damage done to the already functioning schools. Unfortunately, this point is moot on several levels. First, systemic change will do nothing for the child who is still socially stigmatized, and second, states prefer to retain the right to control their own school systems, bringing me to the discussion of rights in general.

While individual rights appear to be a unifying measure of government to assure fair and equal treatment of its citizens, critical race theorists find them a distraction from egalitarianism. ?Think how our system applauds affording everyone equality of opportunity, but resists programs that offer equality of results. Moreover, rights are almost always cut back when they conflict with the interests of the powerful? (Delgado and Stefancic, 23). Improving rights to include equal education for minorities and whites not only conflicts with interests of the power dynamic, I believe a deep fear surrounds this issue. There is the perception that competition for jobs and high paying salaries would greatly increase but, more importantly, educated minorities would no longer settle for blue collar jobs that fuel the well oiled machine of late capitalism. Also, those precious distinctions that delineate the elite from everyone else would blur, and how else does one define oneself if not in contrast with the ?other?? For these reasons, it is in the best interest of the wealthy white majority to hold true to the current system without adjustment for equal rights, fully preserving their appreciation for the status quo.

To add another dimension to this argument, critical race theorists believe that rights actually alienate people ?rather than encouraging them to form close, respectful communities. And with civil rights, lower courts have found it easy to narrow or distinguish the broad ringing landmark decision like Brown v. Board of Education? (24). The end result reminds us of the popular slogan of a constant struggle, ?you can?t eat your rights.? Rights are only useful to those who make the rules as they offer little more than empty promises to appease a vocal opposition to oppression.

What happens when a minority breaks free from systemic constraints and the prideful merit held by the elite diminishes in the face of the powerfully prescribed handicap? Perhaps critical race theorists have struck a conservative nerve by arguing that, ?merit is far from the neutral principle its supporters imagine it to be? and that ?merit is highly contextual? (Delgado and Stefancic, 105). Distribution changes within the minute details of measurement have the ability to rule out a large portion of the population. Conservatives Farber and Sherri appear to protect their own achievements by accusing critical race theorists of being anti-Semetic for judging a system to be corrupt when Asians and Jews performed well within it. Critical race theorists countered that Farber and Sherri confused criticism of a standard with criticism of a race. It seems to me that a minority group deserves more merit than their white counterpart for having to navigate additional barriers, which brings me back to this paragraph?s opening question.

While racial disparity can be whittled down to the finest points, the biggest obstacle is the American myth of objectivity. Conservatives will argue that the democratic theory of classical liberalism is objective, neutral, and free from governmental restriction upon individual upward mobility. This is the very ideology that allows for the merit system previously in question. Within this ostensibly objective ideal, failure, as I?ve already mentioned, is credited to the individual, placing blame on the impoverished, unskilled and undereducated for their refusal to seize available opportunities within an unbiased system.

Critical race theorists oppose this important conservative cornerstone of objectivity, declaring liberalism fundamentally flawed and criticizing it ?as overly caught up in the search for universals ? apt to do injustice to individuals whose experience and situation differ from the norm? (Delgado and Stefancic, 58). The only conservative rebuttal is a weak effort ?to show the critical race theorists? lack of concern for truth, [whereas] opponents point not only to critical race theorists? open declarations that truth is socially constructed, but also to a number of allegedly misstated facts? (Delgado and Stefancic, 58).

Perhaps this lack of retort comes from the deep seated realization that if one can never step outside the influence of culture and history to find objective truth, logic dictates that institutional laws and rights created by people within a society must bear the imprint of that society?s culture and history. The undeniable end product in America is a capitalist government requiring an underclass to function remains stable, suiting those in power well and reinforcing their permanence via the institutions of law and education.

Since it proves far more beneficial to examine what critical race theorists propose as a solution rather than to bicker about misstated facts, I return to my main argument. In order to encourage students of every color to reach their full potential, critical race theorists propose we, ??look to the bottom? in judging new laws. If they would not relieve the distress of the poorest group – or, worse, if they compound it ? we should reject them? (Delgado and Stefancic, 22). This, the Golden Rule, would seem to prevail among both secular and religious types alike. While I continue to support the implementation of affirmative action until the collective social conscience reaches a level of general tolerance, I cannot begin to estimate how long it will take for the tide to turn and a practice like this to be put into effect. I suspect the answer is that it will not happen in my lifetime. If the main concern of those in power is to achieve equality, this would be a wonderful place to start. Of course, if that were the main goal, it would also already have been implemented. Sadly, I believe that those who hold the power cannot yet envision an America free of social barriers in the name of a greater good. Until they, not the minorities, take the initiative to reimagine what it means to be a free American, there will always be an oppressed underclass.

Initially written to entertain myself??until I accidentally learned something.

The Twist

The one thing Frederick Jameson fears most in ?The Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism” is postmodernism. He believes that?the loss of a?modernist code or the historicity in?art & lit?renders it?powerless. But what about his theory itself? It seems to me that Jameson, in talking about the postmodern, ironically,?becomes postmodern.?While incorporating paintings, photography, architecture, poetry and prose, all encapsulated within a recognizable theoretical framework, is he not using?various recognizable forms to present the unrepresentable??

The Sting

Wouldn’t that be a kick in the pants. Had?Jameson left the reader to come to his or her own conclusion, my theory might have had a chance. Instead, we are directed to a specifically unified?interpretation from the author, killing my fun altogether.

Seriously: Words vs. Meaning

My prior argument seems about as sound as Jameson’s after today’s class discussion. While there is an element of “truth” in the argument that late capitalism drives the art market, I have a hard time believing?accusations?of postmodern ?depthlessness? and lack of context. So what can I gain from a piece I don’t feel I can connect with?

I?m trying hard to hold fast to history as a lived moment of human experience rather than some nonexistent, objective Truth or, as Aliya said, ?another metanarrative.? I think what throws me is the terminology rather than the idea. Baudrillard’s “simulacra” (copies of copies with no identifiable source) serves me better. Unfortunately, I can?t find a way to apply this to Jameson’s assessment of Warhol because I feel Warhol?s message was larger than Jameson gives credit for. So?

Preliminary Apology

I?m sorry to return to?my?lingering??The Last King of Scotland? argument.? I made a new connection today. I hope you’ll stick around to read it. (I probably won?t be able to let this go until I resolve my “fascination with” and “brutal distaste for” the film’s end result.)

Film Example: “The Last King of Scotland”

This movie is ?based on true events? about a very real Ugandan dictator, but his life is revealed through the perception of a fictional doctor. This doctor is not simply narrating. He is the main character with significant influence on very disturbing events within the film, yet it is never made clear that he is fictitious. Then, in the DVD special features, Ugandan extras said they are glad children?can watch this film and finally learn about Ugandan history.

(BIG) PROBLEM!

This isn?t history! It?s not even comparable to studying Native American perspectives?amid an overabundance?of British colonization literature. This is purely fiction and claims itself as such? in the extras. Of course, if you don?t watch the extras, you have no way of knowing to what extent the story has been created for the sake of entertainment. Will Ugandan children know? I think not.

Finally, Why Jameson Matters

I find it confusing to have experienced a?very?upsetting reaction to a movie that rocked my world. Ugandan children will learn from a presentation that represents nothing that ever took place. I think this?misrepresentation (although if it never happened it can’t be misrepresented) is what deeply disturbs Jameson. This nostalgia for historical format produces nothing real. This is where I begin to find value in Jameson’s argument.

I should start with this question: Why does this film affect me more than the thought of “Titanic” being our most prevalent reference to the actual ship sinking? (That said, should I be equally outraged?) I suspect?the difference?stems from my?access to other informational resources if I decide I want to explore them. Ugandan children do not have that privilege. It deeply upsets me that this movie?will likely be a child?s only (and brutal) source of information.

In this sense, I feel that corporate interest in box office performance is?a poignant?example of imperialistic?governance over point of view. How very arrogant to insert a white and highly educated man within the complicated Ugandan cultural structure and sell him as truth sayer, OR is this a critical commentary on white society’s rejection of?information from a black?society? I understand the enormous power of art in delivering powerful messages, and now also how inextricably capitalism infiltrates it with corruption.?In the end, the white guy is the hero. Victory?goes to?the dominant culture?in possession of enough money to?keep it that way. With this dominant/oppressive late capitalist relationship, third world, culturally based?education systems seem impossible to build, yet the quirky playfulness of pop culture is forced upon them in the name of that same almighty buck.

So, it seems my understanding of the?postmodern is two-fold. To those in the dominant culture?it?will be entertaining and maybe even valuable and enlightening. To those without access to education it will be devoid of?”historicity”?(pastiche) and they won’t even know it. How’s that for two very different metanarratives about postmodernism?!

End-trails

1. Is?the postmodern?as elite as the modern, requiring education to appreciate while that same education is robbed from the lower classes by a capitalistic system that, by default, requires an underclass to exist?
2. If postmodern art is driven by late capitalism, and following the line of logic I just laid out, doesn’t that make postmodernism corrupt by default?
3. If either of these questions ring true, then are commercial artists?complicit in?the continuance of?oppression?

This is all so very pessimistic.

It’s been a couple of months since I wrote about the racially charged contraversy surrounding the?Jena Six.?My?writing was nowhere near timely?as precipitating events and racial tension in this small community began more than a year ago?with arrests made as far back?as December,?but the story was just then beginning to?percolate above ground. Coverage came from independent media sources such as Democracy Now! while mass media outlets wouldn’t touch it.

Yesterday, 20,000 activists marched in an act of civil disobedience through Jena, LA. People across America who could not make the journey wore green and black in support. And aside from one instance of “aggravated ignorance,” where nooses were displayed in neighboring Alexandria, LA, the result was impressive.

Today the media is BUZZING. “The Jena Six” is now a household phrase.?One can only hope that?increased knowledge and awareness will allow these boys to be treated fairly.?

America is watching.

photo: apathy by DiscoWeasel

APATHY
NOUN: 1. Lack of interest or concern, especially regarding matters of general importance or appeal; indifference.
- American Heritage? Dictionary

In the past two days, the number of visitors to this ridiculous little blog?has been?impressive.?”Nooses in the White Tree,” received 103 recorded hits as of this morning. This number is a bit elusive as it does not count additional feed stats or?hits?that aren’t?”post specific.” The much increased traffic brought the rank of Brain Drain to 81 on yesterday’s Blog of the Day. In a sea of 1,184,970 WordPress blogs, that means something… Or so I thought.

For a brief moment, I thought I was raising awareness. I thought people might be incensed at the in-your-face racial discrimination against the young black boys known as The Jena Six. I thought more people would find black boys accused of conspiracy to commit murder for allegedly participating in an unarmed school fight to be ridiculous. I thought people would be outraged that the school fight stemmed from three white students hanging nooses in a shade tree?reserved for themselves. I thought people would?object to those?whites weilding a beer bottle and sawed off shot gun to beat and threaten them. I thought people would be inspired to ask the Department of Justice to investigate the vindictive DA who published a threat to?the boys prior to trial, the?defense lawyer who called no witnesses and cross examined no witness for the state, the white judge and all-white jury made up of the DA’s friends. I thought the link I provided made it easy enough. I thought one click wasn’t too much to ask. I thought sending the post to family and friends would result in comments of dismay and?horror. I thought I could join forces with those who responded, that we could, at the very least,?organize a letter writing campaign in support of?justice for those boys and their families. In my wildest imagination, I hoped somebody would care enough to act. Boy, was I an ass.

According to the stats on internal blog activity, stats which tend to be a bit more accurate than external hits, one person clicked the transcript?I added on?Democracy Now! and one clicked the collection of articles on AfroSpear. Several looked at some pictures. That was it. Not one single comment was left. My email produced zero personal replies. What is most disappointing is that the link to the DOJ petition was never clicked.

Maybe I should have been more passionate than factual. Maybe I didn’t pick the most compelling quotes to transcribe from Democracy Now! — even before their official transcript was posted. Maybe my writing sucks when blinded by emotion. If any one of those reasons is the sole cause of getting nearly zero response, so be it. Unfortunately, I think the real problem is that the majority of people just don’t care.

People who care DO something.

Please read, share and do your thing, whatever it may be. Just DO something.

photo: Jena Six (1 of 6)
by whileseated

Jena, LA – It began when a black high school freshman, Justin Purvis, asked permission to sit in the cool shade of his school’s courtyard tree, one that?only white kids usually sat under.?The school told him to do what he liked. The following day, three nooses hung from the tree in school colors. The school superintendent dismissed the nooses as a prank and gave the three white students who hung them?three days suspension. Parents were never told.

(The?majority of this post comes from my?notes on two Democracy Now! segments:?The Case of the Jena Six: Black High School Students Charged with Attempted Murder for Schoolyard Fight After Nooses Are Hung from Tree?and “A Modern-Day Lynching” – Parents of Jena Six Speak of Injustice, Racism in Sons’ Prosecution.)

Robert Bailey, 17 year old safety receiver for the football team and one of the “Jena Six” facing life in prison, explained his reaction to the nooses:

It was in early morning I seen them hanging. I’m thinking the KKK hanging nooses, they want to hang somebody…. We do little pranks. Toilet paper, that’s a prank. Nooses hanging? Nooses ain’t no prank.”

Caseptla Bailey, Robert’s mother, found out a week later. To her, the nooses meant? hatred.

It meant that ‘we’re going to kill you. You’re going to die.’ You know, it sent a message. ‘This is not the place for you to sit. This is not your damn tree. Do not sit here. You are to remain in your place, know your place and stay in your place.’

According to her, the sheriff, the police department, and the superintendent said one incident had nothing to do with the other. Not everyone agreed. Parents congregated and contacted political leaders. The entire black student body staged an impromptu and civil demonstration, standing?under the tree a few days later. For this, the school called the police and the district attorney. According to Michelle Rogers, one of the few black teachers at the school, DA Reed Walters called an assembly, “held a pen in his hand and told those kids ‘See this pen in my hands? I could end your life with the stroke of a pen.’”

Anger escalated. In October,?Robert Bailey?was beaten for?attending a party after asking permision to enter. Later that month, a young white?man pulled a sawed-off shotgun on a group of black students at a gas station claiming self defense. The black students wrestled the gun away and called the police only to be charged with assault and robbery of the gun. The white man was?charged with nothing. In November, someone tried to burn down the school, an unsolved crime. On December 4th , a white student was allegedly attacked in a school fight. The victim was taken to the hospital, released with a concussion, and was well enough to attend a school function that evening.

The school fight required discipline. Six black students were charged with attempted second degree murder and conspiracy to commit murder on charges that leave them facing 20-100 years in jail with bonds set at $70-138 thousand dollars. When the local paper published the story as fact, DA Reed Walters published the following statement, “When you are convicted, I will seek the maximum penalty allowed by law.” Robert Bailey has no criminal record, the only weapon claimed to be used in the fight were a pair of sneakers, yet he?sat in jail for two months until his mother was able to raise bail.

Mychal Bell?, another promising student and a football player with scholarship opportunities, also faced charges. Mychal’s lawyer put?his father, Marcus Jones, on the witness list. The judge instated?a gag order,?preventing?Jones from speaking to the press?or asking for help.?Jones was never asked to testify. Further, Mychal’s lawyer never contested?an all white jury. He didn’t call?any witnesses. Nor did he cross examine the state’s witnesses. He?told Mychal?to plea bargain. Mychal refused, believing he would appear guilty in such an emotionally charged town. Today, Mychal?was convicted of 2nd degree aggravated battery and conspiracy to commit same for his role in?the unarmed school fight. Mychal’s father says this will teach Mychal “what it means to be black now.”

When?Robert Bailey?sustained a head injury from a beer bottle at?a party before the December 4th school fight, his white assailant received a “simple battery” charge. In Louisiana, simple battery is a misdemeanor. Comparatively, Bell faces 22 years in prison.

The family is unable to hire another lawyer at this time.?Democracy Now! posts that financial support can be sent to:

The Jena 6 Defense Committee
PO BOX 2798
Jena, LA 71342.

They also need legal volunteers and activists to demonstrate locally. According to Caseptla Bailey, those members of Jena?s white community who are in support of justice for the Jena Six are afraid to come forward.

While this story is not prominent in mainstream media, AfroSpear: A Think Tank For People of African Descent has compiled a vast collection of facts and resources.?They also provide an update and more documents here. These families need our help. Please educate yourself, spread the word, and?add your name to the following petition:

To: Civil Rights Division of the U.S. Department of Justice

We respectfully request that the Civil Rights Division of the United States Department of Justice review events surrounding the prosecution of six Black students in Jena, Louisiana, to determine whether the civil rights of Jena residents have been violated.

In a May 20, 2007 Chicago Tribune article titled “Racial Demons Rear Heads,” Howard Witt reported that the six students faced prosecution for charges including second degree attempted murder — and possible prison sentences of up to 100 years — for allegedly participating in an unarmed school brawl that resulted in no serious injuries. The alleged brawl followed months of racial tension after hangman’s nooses were hung from a tree at the students’ school.

From the same Chicago Tribune article:

?There?s been obvious racial discrimination in this case,? said Joe Cook, executive director of the Louisiana chapter of the American Civil Liberties Union, who described Jena as a ?racial powder keg? primed to ignite. ?It appears the black students were singled out and targeted in this case for some unusually harsh treatment.?

The prosecution of these young men represents a gross miscarriage of justice, punishing Black students for opposing segregation of their schools while ignoring the threatening and provocative acts of those engaging in segregation.

We respectfully request that the Civil Rights Division of the United States Department of Justice launch a full investigation into events in Jena, Louisiana, beginning with the noose incident of August 31, 2006, and culminating in the alleged fight of December 4, 2006 to determine whether the civil rights of Jena residents have been violated.

Sincerely,
The Undersigned

ADDITIONAL INFORMATION:

NPR – Searching for Justice in Jena 6 Case
?News & Notes, July 5, 2007 ? Six black teens have been charged with the beating of a white high school student in the rural town of Jena, La. Jordan Flaherty, a journalist living in New Orleans, and Caseptla Bailey, the mother of one of the defendants, give an update on the case.

The Jena Six
? Michael David Murphy, 2007
This video was made with audio, video, photographs, and scans of court documents on June 25, 2007, in Jena, Louisiana.

[youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=za4B4KhIVTE]

The term “Gitmo-mentum” was coined by Anthony D. Romero, Executive Director of the ACLU, to describe the growing support behind the restoration of our Constitution and the closure of Guantanamo Bay.

Notes from the?June 26th, 2007 Day of Action to Restore Law and Justice.

As I mentioned in?a previous post, I?traveled to Washington DC calling for the?restoration of?habeas corpus,?the closure of?Guantanamo Bay (and other?torture facilities?like it), and?for repairing portions of the?Military Commisions Act?which give?the President sole power as? judge, jury and jailer.

Although this was one of the smallest rallies I’ve attended, it?was also one of the best organized and?most powerful.?Attendance reached about 4,000, but we represented millions. It?was a pleasure to see,?first hand,?Senetor Leahy?hold our petitions in the air with emphatic support after hearing him say, in essence,?that the war on terror is no excuse for torture.?A most?poignant?speaker was?Sister Diana Ortiz, Executive Director of Torture Abolition and Survivors Support Coalition International. Her lasting horrors?from unwarranted torture?moved me in a way I cannot explain.?You can find?a full list of speakers and video clips by visiting the ACLU?website.

After getting all fired up, activists from every state?stormed the Hill. This was the first time I have been?part of?a lobbying session and it was a thrill. I have posted?pictures?of the rally and of our Albany/Renssealear County?based group preparing to lobby the offices of Senator Clinton and Representative Gillibrand.

The following?progress report was sent out on July 6th by Anthony D. Romero, the Executive Director of the ACLU:

It was overwhelming to see so many people in Upper Senate Park as we delivered more than 250,000 petitions to restore our rights. Together with our partners ? more than 85 of them ? we represented millions of people.

More than 4,000 of us, from every state in the nation, rallied and then stormed Capitol Hill for meetings with Members of Congress, demanding that we restore the Constitution. Thousands more who couldn?t make it in person took action from home. Since the Day of Action we’ve seen real progress ? and more is?in the works. Here?s just a small sample:

• In less than 24 hours, five lawmakers signed on as co-sponsors of critical habeas restoration bills. And the list of co-sponsors has continued to grow this past week.? Just since June 26th, two senators co-sponsored the Habeas Corpus Restoration Act, four?representatives co-sponsored the Restoring the Constitution Act, and three?representatives co-sponsored the House?s version of the?Habeas Corpus Restoration Act.? We expect more activity and co-sponsors in the coming weeks.
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• Over 140 representatives signed an open letter to President Bush urging him to close the prison at Guantanamo Bay on Friday, June 29th.? You can read the letter and see if your representative signed here.
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• Rally speaker Senator Leahy has promised to do everything he can to get a floor vote on restoring habeas corpus in the Senate in the coming weeks.?You?ll be hearing from us with more details and a call to action whenever this happens.?See Senator Leahy?s webpage, featuring the day of action, here.
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• The Supreme Court decided to review an appeal by Guantanamo detainees. The detainees are seeking to challenge the legality of their detention in federal court.? The Court had previously declined to hear the appeal in April, but reversed course in an order issued on Friday, the final day of the Supreme Court Term.? For more insight into this unique and highly unusual turn of events read Gabe Rottman?s post on our Find Habeas blog.

I’m grateful for this update. It’s fabulous to know that there has been measurable success and that the people still do have the power to create change, even without the coverage of the “liberal” media.

We aren’t watching the fireworks this evening due to rain, but they certainly flew in the car on the way home from the theater this afternoon. Tim and I went to the Spectrum to see Michael Moore’s latest documentary, SiCKO.?I left with my blood boiling.

This was one of our most patriotic moves, one where we spent a good hour and 53 minutes educating ourselves on the American people’s dependence upon the whim of profiteering HMOs and pharmaceutical companies. Sure, I laughed at the part where Bush said, “Too many OBGYNs aren’t able to practice their love with women all across this country.” I also cried for those murdered at the hands of the greedy. To call unnecessary loss of life anything less is unthinkable.

This movie was, at the very least,?an upsetting reality check. I think most people understand that health care in America is in dire straights, but this is the first time the?larger picture has been revealed. Many of the alarming facts in Moore’s movie are posted on his website. More personal accounts are available on SiCKO’s blog.

The question I’m left with is, “What are our nation’s family values?”?Can somebody show me?some evidence?demonstrating that?we have?any? The government certainly doesn’t support families when health care is privatized to the detriment of providing care, when daycare costs equal every cent people make at work, when many of our schools are in a state of disrepair and offer substandard learning, and when secondary education sends students deep into debt before entering the workforce. Ultimately, isn’t our government supposed to be “by the people and for the people?” What does this say about what Americans think of themselves? We need to stop being sheep and lead the fight, to believe that we are worth more than the value?an insurance industry?places upon us. When will we?take back our country? Let’s walk the “family values” walk and claim that right for ourselves once and for all.

I?sincerly hope SiCKO inspires people to stand up, to research and support the National Health Insurance Act. House Resolution 676?has been?introduced by Reps. John Conyers, Dennis Kucinich, Jim McDermott and Donna Christensen and needs our support. This system is already been proven to work in England, France, Canada and, I dare say…?Cuba. It can work here too and we can?do it one?step better, although the HMOs and pharmaceutical companies are paying government officials a lot of money to convince us otherwise. We’ll surely be hearing a well funded rebuttal?campaign from the profiteers in an effort to discredit Moore too.

In my opinion, there was one?comment in?SiCKO which was presented in a somewhat confusing fashion. An ex-insurance investigator whose?job was to look for pre-existing medical conditions and use them to disqualify people from coverage claimed that his duties?were not considered illegal?in several states. This was certainly true during the years he was working in the industry, but it has since been rectified on a Federal level by?The Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act? of 1996.??HIPAA says of pre-existing condition exclusions:

• The law defines a preexisting condition as one for which medical advice, diagnosis, care, or treatment was recommended or received during the 6-month period prior to an individual?s enrollment date (which is the earlier of the first day of health coverage or the first day of any waiting period for coverage)
• Group health plans and issuers may not exclude an individual?s preexisting medical condition from coverage for more than 12 months (18 months for late enrollees) after an individual?s enrollment date
• Under HIPAA, a new employer?s plan must give individuals credit for the length of time they had prior continuous health coverage, without a break in coverage of 63 days or more, thereby reducing or eliminating the 12-month exclusion period (18 months for late enrollees)

It took a lawyer to point this out to me, but this one small hiccup should not distract from the ugly truths the film unveils. The man in the interview was speaking the truth in regard to his experience, recalling how this type of work made him feel and fully disclosing that he had gladly left the industry years ago. Moore, illustrating the?time line of health insurance, was right to include this portion of history. I just think it could have been more clear that, thankfully, the definition of “pre-existing condition” has changed.

On a personal note, what has my panties in a bunch is learning that my former dentist is a hack.?Experiencing?the pain of my tooth being ground out of my head?after 6 shots of Novocain,?and?having subsequent pain and pressure?ever since, I’ve learned from my new sedation dentist (a necessity after acquiring a sudden fear of my former dentist) that my cap?fails on three separate levels:

• a gap exists between the root and cap allowing for decay
• the bite is completely wrong
• and the cap itself is too large to fit.?

What’s more, my former dentist said last month that my newly broken molar required another cap. Funny. My newly consulted ?sedation dentist?said a filling would suffice. I’m beginning to understand how my former dentist paid for his high end, office-wide renovation.

It’s almost more painful to hear that?”the top of the mouth is easiest to numb” than to experience the fact that?it wasn’t, and now I’m supposed to?pay $800 to have?the cap?recast.?That’s right. The?burden of the full amount falls on me. We have no dental insurance. How do you like that? A job in the state’s health care bureau doesn’t even get you dental coverage for six months. It’s ironic and infuriating.?The fact that we can afford?to fix my face?isn’t the point. The point is that far too many people can’t. I’m experiencing something akin to survivor’s guilt knowing that my pain will eventually subside as surely as theirs never will.?

The finale of the fireworks is?sounding off in the city. It’s as distant as the dull echo of?the promise I vaguely remember, the one?granting life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. Oh right. We’re allowed to “pursue” happiness. Apparently, a very wealthy and powerful minority believes we just aren’t allowed to achieve it.?According to SiCKO,?they aren’t?allowing for?life or liberty either.

Michael Moore speaks on behalf of H.R. 676 at the Capitol
Thursday, June 21st, 2007
[youtube=http://www.youtube.com/v/DYnadAE685o]

Michael Moore Denied Entry into NYSE
June 29th, 2007
[youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Pcuw-_AOk6g]

CNN Gets Blitzed by Michael Moore
July 9th, 2007
[youtube=http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JpKoN40K7mA]

June 26th – Day of Action to Restore Law and Justice

It’s 0′dark hundred. Generally unfamiliar with this part of the day, I’m?making a?trial run for tomorrow’s journey to Washington DC. The bus leaves at 3 a.m.?and I still need to get my sign and tee shirt together.

I’m off to fight for the restoration of Habeus Corpus and the closing of Guantanamo Bay. This administration may think?it has?the power to revise the constitution at will, Bush may think “It’s just a piece of paper,” but I’m not buying it.

Torturing hundreds of terror suspects who have yet to be charged with any viable evidence,?human beings who have been traded to the military for a reward?or who have been turned in falsley by those who want to save themselves, it is unconscionable to keep these people prisoners indefinitely. The families who have suffered without fathers, husbands and brothers, the men who have been released without apology only to be?banished by their own country, the children who were imprisoned at fifteen and are now adults… nothing breeds fruitful terror more than this type of arrogant injustice.?And to think that this has been allowed to continue for?five full years.

It’s time for the citizens of the United States?to make our politicians acknowledge the International Acts of the Geneva Convention, not bow with eyes closed to a president on a crusade just as dangerous as Bin Laden’s. Obviously, Guantanamo is just the tip of the iceburgh, but it also the greatest symbol of our country’s own horror and arrogance.

If you too would?like to fight for the?restoration of?human and?constitutional rights?pulverized by?Resident Bush, those?rights which remain?defenseless in the hands of a gutless Congress,?read the ACLU petition.?Take back the power?as “We the People.” Sign today and I’ll be glad to hand deliver?your sentiment?in person tomorrow… along?side the thousands of concerned citizens from all over the country who will be pouring into our nation’s?Capital.

The ACLU is not alone in this fight.
Visit the following organizations for more info:
Amnesty International
Human Rights Watch
And many, many more…

The Executive Office (and Cheney’s too) does?NOT equal unlimited power!

“I know no safe depository of the ultimate powers of the society but the people themselves; and if we think them not enlightened enough to exercise their control with a wholesome discretion, the remedy is not to take it from them but to inform their discretion by education. This is the true corrective of abuses of constitutional power.” — Thomas Jefferson to William C. Jarvis, 1820

CONJUNCTION JUNCTION: WHAT’S YOUR FUNCTION?

A Modern Day Rubinesque Example:
Kim Gritzke AND Tim Clune?Get Married?
Yes, the historical derivation of gender exists. We all have been molded to live it. Then you get married and things become more surreal than you ever expect.

Gayle Rubin’s The Traffic in Women: Notes on the ‘Political Economy’ of Sex made me better understand Jacques Derrida. She mentioned him but briefly, yet I saw the cultural baggage we unintentionally carry in conjunction with examination of the role women occupy in society. This was profound for me. I was suddenly struck by how I’ve lived both theories without knowing. I teased this stuff out,?finding meaning?outside the text… or, in this case,?ritual.

FEMALE EXCHANGE RATE
My father walked me down the aisle, ?giving me away.? I didn?t think it was so applicable. I was LONG gone years before I ever got married. I consciously turned this event into my own liberation rather than exchange, and thus could accept the idea. I was walking away from my father – although that assumes he had me to begin with. When I look closely at how things panned out, nobody else was outwardly jumping on board my liberation train.

Linking Rubin’s idea to Louis Althussar’s, I learned that although I “thought” I was making a statement of individuality as a woman, declaring my own meaning for the father/daughter ritual, I was simply perpetuating the Ideological State Apparatus by including it in my ceremony to begin with.

IDENTITY – AS PROPERTY?
The idea of “name change” illustrates Rubin’s theory that, although the gender roles no longer serve the purpose they once did, we still keep them firmly in place without examination or challange. From my grandparents’ generation to present, patterns of social/tribal/genealogical alignment are difficult to reform, lacking any value of individual recognition.

I symbolically took my husband’s last name, not as a sign of his ownership over me, but to consiously break with?my crappy past and redefine?who I?am on my own terms. Tim was all for me keeping my maiden name… In fact, he tried to talk me into it. But, hey, what the hell do you do with Gritzke anyway? So, there’s my spiel.

Still, wedding cards and gifts came addressed to Mr. and Mrs. Timothy Clune. My name?ends with “im” but it starts with a big fat K, thank you very much. Unifying our last names to form?our family unit is fine. Being assimilated into my husband’s identity? That’s not okay with either of us. Really.?

ALLIANCE/SOCIAL CONNECTION
Then there’s the family perception. My family?wreaked of odoriferous abandonment, somehow embracing the thought that I had left the nest. Tim’s family immediately assumed ownership over me. His sisters?adopted me into their recipe circle, his father and brothers welcomed me into the family with only mild recognition that I had my own. When my side was mentioned, it was also joining theirs, not the other way around. His brothers, as best men, toasted my grand entrance into their tribe with, “Let me introduce the other side to what is so special about our side of the family.” Hurm.

SIGN OF THE WOMAN
As Ferdinand de Saussure says, the value of a sign (woman/wife) is accepted by society, not an individual. I was struck with the implications of something so ritualized as a wedding. We lose sight of what the acts mean. We see them so often that we forget to question. You can try to make things mean what you like, changing the”sign” to suit yourself, but society/family asserts their?definition anyway and you?must defend and redefine yourself repeatedly. Derrida is right. Intended meaning brings along baggage of social construct, often?without any awareness of it’s insertion.

The effect of marriage on your identity is not for the feint of heart. It is a topic rarely talked about. People always ask, “When are?you getting married??Where? What kind of dress?” They focus?more on the event than the impact, never asking, “How do you feel about this? What does it mean about who you are? What does being a wife?entail?” The older generation of women?is particularly eager to give you some odd advice about having dinner ready and doing laundry. I warn you now… Hold true to yourself. Think about what it is YOU want from marriage.

RUG-RAT REPRODUCTION
Okay, and now I come to the whole reproduction issue. Tim and I aren’t going to have kids. This realization came much to the dismay of?several family members. When we recently received our wedding video, we found we?had been?cursed with a wish?for triplets upon our house. Really, particularly?after reading Rubin’s theory, why would we submit our daughter – let alone three of them -??to such a society?just so she can become an economic?commodity of culture and capitalism??There is this inherent idea that one must have children to further human existence, perpetuating the machine that reproduces the effect to infinity. We’re not buying it. Over and out.

SUGGESTED READING
Copies of Rubin’s theory for everybody! Revolution abound!
I agree that culture needs a good toppling and that nothing will change without opposition. People need shaking up. Maybe it needs to be sudden, as in?”Let the dead monster fall.”

Women have been fighting and winning, slowly but surely. Changes are occurring in my lifetime alone. Most of my friends have kept their maiden names. The acceptance of women as individuals in that regard is far more prevalent than 20 years ago. Once the previous generations die off, maybe there won’t be any more Mrs. Tim Clunes.

As for the acceptance of?equal gender power, patriarchal religion would have to go. I can’t see it happening any other way.

So…
Topple culture!
Give birth to a new brain child!!
Equality and free love for all!!!